「十三學者」於中央官員在深圳舉辦的政制發展座談會中提交的意見 (22-8-2014)

「十三學者」方案的七位倡議人參加了中央政府官員於深圳舉辦的政制發展座談會，其中劉佩瓊女士於八月廿一日以全國人大代表身份出席；王于漸教授、宋恩榮教授、何濼生教授、郭國全先生、雷鼎鳴教授及廖柏偉教授則於八月廿二日出席。

會上「十三學者」向中央官員提交了對政制發展的意見，內容如下:

我們樂見中央政府一再重申，堅定不移於2017年在香港落實普選行政長官。我們深信，2017年普選行政長官與持續政制發展均至關重要，否則香港將更難管治。假若政制發展因未能達成共識而原地踏步，各方面將蒙受巨大損失：無論建制派、民主派、市民，以至香港整體社會與國家長遠利益都無一倖免。

我們珍惜這次機會，讓持不同甚至相反意見的人士在一起與中央政府對話。我們支持和欣賞中央政府提供這一個空間，並希望各方努力釋出誠意，創造更多的條件以擴大這種空間。
我們認為，政制發展的核心問題，是各方須尋求一個能夠得到「雙認許」的政改方案，一方面有中央政府的認許，另一方面同時有香港市民的認許。因此，方案需要合法、合情、合理，既符合基本法及人大常委相關決定，也要考慮到香港的實際情況:

        為要得到中央政府的認許，方案須照顧國家安全及持續發展；
        為要得到香港市民的認許，方案須照顧香港廣闊的政治光譜。

得到「雙認許」的方案，才能夠在立法會得到三分之二多數的支持。

我們公開呼籲各方顧全大局，放下成見，坦誠商談，互諒互讓，探索符合「雙認許」的政制發展方案。

全國人大常委會即將為香港特別行政區落實普選行政長官的提案作出決議，我們懇切希望人大常委會的決議對特首選舉辦法的框架盡可能寬鬆，讓香港市民、立法會、特區政府及中央相關機構有足夠的時間和空間作深入的溝通、討論，凝聚共識以達致符合「雙認許」的政制發展方案。唯有這樣的方案，才能順利完成「五步曲」，實現普選行政長官，為「一國兩制」在香港的實踐向前邁進一大步。

倡議「提委會民主漸進方案」的「十三學者」:
王于漸教授，宋恩榮教授，何濼生教授，範耀鈞教授，黃賢先生，郭國全先生，陸人龍博士，雷鼎鳴教授，楊汝萬教授，廖柏偉教授，劉佩瓊女士，關品方教授及羅祥國博士。
2014年8月22日

「提委會民主漸進方案」 http://www.2017cenom.blogspot.hk/
聯絡: 2017cenom@gmail.com

新聞發佈：十三學者推出改良方案，建議通過提委會民主化，回應港人民主訴求

「十三學者」日前推出改良政改方案，重申開放提委會讓公眾直接參與，並令其民主化，是香港政改當前的重點。提委會的民主化，不但合憲合法， 更可以回應港人要求參與行政長官提名過程的訴求。

提委會民主化，也是在香港政治紛爭不斷兩極化的情況下的妥協方案，可以創造機會， 爭取立法會與中央的支持，讓政改通過「五步曲」，落實2017年行政長官普選。

「十三學者方案」發起人之一王于漸教授指出：「2017年普選行政長官與持續政制發展均至關重要，否則香港勢將日益難以管治。假若最終未能就政改達成共識而原地踏步，則各有關方面均會蒙受損失：無論建制派、泛民主派、所有政黨、市民，以至香港整體社會，與國家長遠利益都無一倖免。」

最新的 「十三學者方案」建議把原選舉委員會的1,200人擴大成為2,400人的提名委員會，而新增的1,200人全部由香港的登記選民直接選出。這1,200個新增普選提委需要先獲得目前選舉委員會四大界別中的界別選民所認受，然後再取得1,200名全港合資格選民的選票方可當選。在第一、第二及第三界別中，參選者需獲得 50名該界別的界別選民所認受。在第四界別則需獲得該界別5名界別選民所認受。

目前選委會的四大界別中的界別選民總數接近250,000。要求新增普選提委獲得界別選民所認受，原因是希望新的提名委員會參照原選舉委員會的四大界別結構，符合人大常委定下的循序漸進原則和要求。

目前選委會內第四界別的界別選民人數較少，只包括現任立法會議員、全國人大代表及政協委員、以及鄉議局和區議員。「十三學者」建議在這個界別內增加新的界別選民，加入特區成立以來的前政府司局長、副局長、首長級公務員、前行政及立法會議員、前全國人大代表及政協委員、 受勳人士，以及非官守太平紳士 。

「十三學者方案」另一發起人劉佩瓊女士指出：「我們只是建議讓這些以前曾對香港作出貢獻的人士，可以成為界別選民，讓他們可以對有興趣參選提委會的市民作出認受。而不是建議他們成為提委。」

當前另外一個重要而爭論較多的議題是提委會如何提名行政長官候選人。「十三學者」建議候選人需取得提委會百分之十的支持方可「入閘」被提委會考慮，然後再取得不少於百分之二十的票數方可被纳入候選人名單。再由提委會就「名單」進行投票，以多數票通過，「名單」上各參選者均可「出閘」成為特首候選人。這些百分比是考慮到特區政府經廣泛諮詢得出的結論：「較多意見認爲，行政長官候選人的人數以兩至四名爲宜。」

「十三學者方案」另一發起人宋恩榮教授解釋：「我們觀察到基本法第45條要求提名委員會“按民主程序”提名特首候選人。“民主程序”一般是要求多數通過。但假如提委會要就每一個參選人個別投票通過，那麼代表少數利益的參選者能夠成為候選人的機會就很低。採用「名單」方式可以讓所有達到百分之二十票數條件的參選人，可能取得提委會多數票通過。這樣更符合香港的政治現實情況。」

假如「名單」不能得到提委會多數通過，那麼整個「入閘」及「出閘」的過程需要重新再來。如有需要，可以引進附加條件，以催逼各方妥協，讓提委會最終能達到一份可獲通過的「名單」。例如百分之二十與百分之五十的通過標準可以逐步提高。

「十三學者方案」另一發起人廖柏偉教授進一步指出：「任何有不合理篩選的方案都很難通過“五步曲”。我們對提委會的構成與提委會如何提名特首候選人的設計，合憲合法，也應該是可以被不同政見團體接受的妥協。我們的方案也應該被視為香港持續民主化過程中的重要一步。」

香港的政改已經進入「五步曲」的第二步。人大常委估計將於八月底决定，是否接纳特首就香港的特首和立法會產生辦法需否修改的建议。現階段未知人大常委會否同時就修改產生辦法提出框架。

王于漸教授指出：「香港需要多一些時間和空間，讓不同的政治力量就政改交流、溝通以致達成共識。我們希望人大常委的决定可以容許多一點彈性，好讓香港更好的實現人大常委就香港2017年可以普選特首的决定。」 

 

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附註：

「十三學者」成員包括王于漸教授，宋恩榮教授，何濼生教授，范耀鈞教授， 黃賢先生，郭國全先生，陸人龍博士，雷鼎鳴教授，楊汝萬教授，廖柏偉教授， 劉佩瓊女士，關品方博士及羅祥國博士。

「十三學者方案」網站：http://2017cenom.blogspot.hk/

Press Release: Democratizing the Nominating Committee is key in Hong Kong’s Electoral Reform, says the G-13 Scholars

Opening up the Nominating Committee (NC) for the Chief Executive (CE) election in 2017 to public participation and making it more democratic is a key reform that Hong Kong should focus on, says a Group of 13 (G-13) scholars. Efforts in this direction will not only meet the constitutional and legal requirements on Hong Kong’s political reform, but also address the strong demand for public participation in the nomination of CE candidates.

Democratizing the NC is also a way to strike a compromise amongst different and polarizing political demands, and help to create an opportunity for Hong Kong’s electoral reform to get through the “Five Step Process”, particularly in securing support from both the Legislative Council and from Beijing, thus making universal suffrage in the election of Hong Kong’s CE in 2017 a reality.  

“The selection of the Chief Executive in 2017 through universal suffrage and the continuing development of our political system are critical, otherwise Hong Kong will become increasingly impossible to govern. Failure to make progress will punish everyone – the establishment, the pan-democrats, all political parties, the people, Hong Kong itself, and even the long-term interests of our country”, says Prof Richard Wong, a member of the G-13 Scholars. 

The G-13 Scholars’ latest proposals ask for doubling the size of the existing Election Committee from 1,200 members to form a new NC of 2,400 members, with all the new members elected directly by registered voters in Hong Kong. These 1,200 new members will have to first seek endorsement from the sectoral voters of the existing four sectors, and second to get 1,200 votes from registered voters in Hong Kong. Endorsement by 50 sectoral voters is required for candidates in the First, Second and Third sectors, while endorsement by 5 sectoral voters is required in the Fourth sector.

There are now close to 250,000 sectoral voters in the four sectors of the Election Committee.  The purpose of asking the new, popularly-elected members of the NC to seek endorsement from existing sectoral voters is to make the new NC similar in structure to the old Election Committee. This is one of the requirements for Hong Kong’s electoral reform set down by the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress (NPC), in line with the principle of gradual progress.

In the Fourth Sector of the existing Election Committee, the number of sectoral voters is relatively small as they include only existing Legislative Council members, existing deputies to the NPC and the Chinese People Political Consultative Congress (CPPCC), and Heung Yee Kuk and District Council members. The G-13 proposes that new sectoral voters be added, comprising all retired Secretaries, Deputy Secretaries and directorate civil servants, retired members of the Executive Council and the Legislative Council, retired deputies to the NPC and CPPCC, and people on the honours list since 1997, and Unofficial Justices of Peace.

“It should be noted that we are proposing to add these new members into the list of sectoral voters in the Fourth Sector only, not as NC members. The key idea of this proposal is that these people have contributed to Hong Kong in many ways in the past, and they should be given a role to play in endorsing candidates who want to bid for seats in the Fourth Sector of the NC”, say Ms Lau Pui-king, another G-13 member.

Another important and contentious debate in Hong Kong’s current political reform is how the NC would put forward CE candidates for the public to vote. The G-13 proposes that any contender could be considered for candidacy if he/she could get nominated by 10% of the NC members, and will become a potential candidate if he/she gets 20% of the votes. These percentages are based on the view that there should be 2 to 4 candidates for the CE election, a number arrived at after extensive consultations by the government.

A new concept introduced by G-13 is that all contenders for candidacy who get pass the 20% votes threshold will go into a “list”. The NC will then vote on the “list” so that all candidates on the “list” will become CE candidates if the “list” is passed by majority vote of the NC.

“The idea of a ‘list’ comes from our observation that Art 45 of the Basic Law requires the NC to nominate CE candidates ‘in accordance with democratic procedures’”, explains Prof Sung Yun-wing, another G-13 scholar. “Democratic procedures normally require majority vote. But if the NC is to vote on each and every candidate, then it is likely that contenders who represent minority interests will have very little chance of becoming a CE candidate. The use of a ‘list’ could allow all contenders with 20% NC votes to get majority support from the NC. This is more in line with Hong Kong’s political reality.”

If the “list” is not approved by the NC, then the selection process is repeated. If necessary, new rules could be introduced that would encourage competing political forces to cooperate or increase their costs of refusing to compromise, thus helping to produce a “list” that has a higher chance of being approved. For example, the 20% and 50% thresholds could be raised gradually.

“Any scheme that screens candidates unreasonably will have very little chance to get through the ‘Five Step Process’. Our design of how the NC is constituted and how the NC nominates CE candidates is fully compliant of all legal requirements, and should make it acceptable as a compromise between the political left and the political right. Our proposal should also be looked at as another important step forward in Hong Kong’s continuing democratization process”, added Prof Liu Pak-wai, another G-13 scholar.

Political reform in Hong Kong is now moving into the second step of the “Five Step Process”. The Standing Committee of the NPC (NPCSC) is expected to decide in late-August whether to accept the recommendation by the CE on whether the rules for the appointment of the CE and of the Legislative Council should be amended. It is unclear at this stage whether the NPCSC would set guidelines for such amendments and what these guidelines may be.

“Hong Kong needs more time and space for different political forces to exchange views and reach consensus in the political reform debate. We hope that the NPCSC would allow more flexibility in its upcoming decision so that Hong Kong could better implement the NPCSC decision that Hong Kong could elect its CE through universal suffrage in 2017”, says Prof Richard Wong. 

 

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Notes to Editors:

The G-13 Scholars are Prof FAN Yiu-kwan, Prof HO Lok-sang, Mr HUANG Yin, Hanson, Dr KWAN Pun-fong, Vincent, Mr KWOK Kwok-chuen, Ms LAU Pui-king, Dr LAW Cheung-kwok, Prof LIU Pak-wai, Prof LUI Ting-ming, Francis, Dr LUK Michael, Prof SUNG Yun-wing, Prof WONG Yue-chim, Richard and Prof YEUNG Yue-man.

The G-13 Proposal website: http://2017cenom.blogspot.hk/

G-13 改良方案 (中文)

文檔可於此下載。Downloadable here.

G-13 改良方案投影片 (中文)

文檔可於此下載。Downloadable here.

G-13 Updated Proposal (English)

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G-13 Updated Proposal in Slides (English)

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