提委會民主漸進方案發起人

提委會民主漸進方案發起人

2014年8月4日 星期一

Press Release: Democratizing the Nominating Committee is key in Hong Kong’s Electoral Reform, says the G-13 Scholars



Opening up the Nominating Committee (NC) for the Chief Executive (CE) election in 2017 to public participation and making it more democratic is a key reform that Hong Kong should focus on, says a Group of 13 (G-13) scholars. Efforts in this direction will not only meet the constitutional and legal requirements on Hong Kong’s political reform, but also address the strong demand for public participation in the nomination of CE candidates.
Democratizing the NC is also a way to strike a compromise amongst different and polarizing political demands, and help to create an opportunity for Hong Kong’s electoral reform to get through the “Five Step Process”, particularly in securing support from both the Legislative Council and from Beijing, thus making universal suffrage in the election of Hong Kong’s CE in 2017 a reality.  

“The selection of the Chief Executive in 2017 through universal suffrage and the continuing development of our political system are critical, otherwise Hong Kong will become increasingly impossible to govern. Failure to make progress will punish everyone – the establishment, the pan-democrats, all political parties, the people, Hong Kong itself, and even the long-term interests of our country”, says Prof Richard Wong, a member of the G-13 Scholars. 

The G-13 Scholars’ latest proposals ask for doubling the size of the existing Election Committee from 1,200 members to form a new NC of 2,400 members, with all the new members elected directly by registered voters in Hong Kong. These 1,200 new members will have to first seek endorsement from the sectoral voters of the existing four sectors, and second to get 1,200 votes from registered voters in Hong Kong. Endorsement by 50 sectoral voters is required for candidates in the First, Second and Third sectors, while endorsement by 5 sectoral voters is required in the Fourth sector.
There are now close to 250,000 sectoral voters in the four sectors of the Election Committee.  The purpose of asking the new, popularly-elected members of the NC to seek endorsement from existing sectoral voters is to make the new NC similar in structure to the old Election Committee. This is one of the requirements for Hong Kong’s electoral reform set down by the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress (NPC), in line with the principle of gradual progress.
In the Fourth Sector of the existing Election Committee, the number of sectoral voters is relatively small as they include only existing Legislative Council members, existing deputies to the NPC and the Chinese People Political Consultative Congress (CPPCC), and Heung Yee Kuk and District Council members. The G-13 proposes that new sectoral voters be added, comprising all retired Secretaries, Deputy Secretaries and directorate civil servants, retired members of the Executive Council and the Legislative Council, retired deputies to the NPC and CPPCC, and people on the honours list since 1997, and Unofficial Justices of Peace.
“It should be noted that we are proposing to add these new members into the list of sectoral voters in the Fourth Sector only, not as NC members. The key idea of this proposal is that these people have contributed to Hong Kong in many ways in the past, and they should be given a role to play in endorsing candidates who want to bid for seats in the Fourth Sector of the NC”, say Ms Lau Pui-king, another G-13 member.
Another important and contentious debate in Hong Kong’s current political reform is how the NC would put forward CE candidates for the public to vote. The G-13 proposes that any contender could be considered for candidacy if he/she could get nominated by 10% of the NC members, and will become a potential candidate if he/she gets 20% of the votes. These percentages are based on the view that there should be 2 to 4 candidates for the CE election, a number arrived at after extensive consultations by the government.
A new concept introduced by G-13 is that all contenders for candidacy who get pass the 20% votes threshold will go into a “list”. The NC will then vote on the “list” so that all candidates on the “list” will become CE candidates if the “list” is passed by majority vote of the NC.
“The idea of a ‘list’ comes from our observation that Art 45 of the Basic Law requires the NC to nominate CE candidates ‘in accordance with democratic procedures’”, explains Prof Sung Yun-wing, another G-13 scholar. “Democratic procedures normally require majority vote. But if the NC is to vote on each and every candidate, then it is likely that contenders who represent minority interests will have very little chance of becoming a CE candidate. The use of a ‘list’ could allow all contenders with 20% NC votes to get majority support from the NC. This is more in line with Hong Kong’s political reality.”
If the “list” is not approved by the NC, then the selection process is repeated. If necessary, new rules could be introduced that would encourage competing political forces to cooperate or increase their costs of refusing to compromise, thus helping to produce a “list” that has a higher chance of being approved. For example, the 20% and 50% thresholds could be raised gradually.
“Any scheme that screens candidates unreasonably will have very little chance to get through the ‘Five Step Process’. Our design of how the NC is constituted and how the NC nominates CE candidates is fully compliant of all legal requirements, and should make it acceptable as a compromise between the political left and the political right. Our proposal should also be looked at as another important step forward in Hong Kong’s continuing democratization process”, added Prof Liu Pak-wai, another G-13 scholar.
Political reform in Hong Kong is now moving into the second step of the “Five Step Process”. The Standing Committee of the NPC (NPCSC) is expected to decide in late-August whether to accept the recommendation by the CE on whether the rules for the appointment of the CE and of the Legislative Council should be amended. It is unclear at this stage whether the NPCSC would set guidelines for such amendments and what these guidelines may be.
“Hong Kong needs more time and space for different political forces to exchange views and reach consensus in the political reform debate. We hope that the NPCSC would allow more flexibility in its upcoming decision so that Hong Kong could better implement the NPCSC decision that Hong Kong could elect its CE through universal suffrage in 2017”, says Prof Richard Wong. 
 

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Notes to Editors:
The G-13 Scholars are Prof FAN Yiu-kwan, Prof HO Lok-sang, Mr HUANG Yin, Hanson, Dr KWAN Pun-fong, Vincent, Mr KWOK Kwok-chuen, Ms LAU Pui-king, Dr LAW Cheung-kwok, Prof LIU Pak-wai, Prof LUI Ting-ming, Francis, Dr LUK Michael, Prof SUNG Yun-wing, Prof WONG Yue-chim, Richard and Prof YEUNG Yue-man.
The G-13 Proposal website: http://2017cenom.blogspot.hk/

G-13 改良方案 (中文)

文檔可於此下載。Downloadable here.

G-13 改良方案投影片 (中文)

文檔可於此下載Downloadable here.

G-13 Updated Proposal (English)

文檔可於此下載。Downloadable here.

G-13 Updated Proposal in Slides (English)

文檔可於此下載。Downloadable here.

2014年7月23日 星期三

行政會議召集人林煥光在RTHK節目《星期六主場》對13學者方案的評論 (2014-07-19)


「提名委員會為何不可通過加強民主成分,加強選民的闊度和基礎,以及令投票程序真的民主、代表性強。我們何不通過這樣的討論,去達到這個目標?……
我們最大的目標是香港民主化進一步,想香港普選能夠落實。」

…… 最重要的,而又在《基本法》框架下,那就是提名委員會的民主化,可以多作討論嗎?現在基本上沒人討論這一點,如何組成提名委員會基本上沒人去思考。除了那批學者提出過方案,但學者把方案提出後就石沉大海,沒有人討論。有些學者已提出了既符合基本法,不走極諯,也可走向普選的公平路。」

…… 例如十三個學者提出的方案,基本大體上符合各方面的要求,可否就著這些比較接近現實的方案,在中間主流的方案上進行討論?並非說十三個學者的方案一定最好或應該採納,但至少那在範圍之內,你要在可行的現實下去討論才有意思。」


「我不認為你投票贊成(公民提名),就一定不贊成一些符合《基本法》的方案。投票那七十萬人是想要有普及而公平的選舉,其他的方案,投票的人可能有個範圍,所以別以為七十萬人一定全歸邊。我不相信一定是這樣。」


2014年7月11日 星期五

建議特首應押後向大人交政改報告:以時間換取空間,凝聚社會共識。

「提委會民主漸進方案」(「13学者方案」)

建議特首應押後向大人交政改報告:以時間換取空間,凝聚社會共識。

政改第一階段諮詢的結果,週二就要揭曉了。

政改三人組的報告,要綜合分析13萬份建議,反映各種對立的意見,絕非易事,還難免招來各種批評、抨擊。然而,不管支持或批評者的政治取態如何,都應感謝此吃力不討好的工程。因為報告是第一次讓所有林林種種的方案展現在同一平台上。

有了這個平台,各方的意見才第一次有機會走上直接對比。我們深信以港人的智慧,不排除能醞釀出一個目前可能沒有想到的主流方案,既合情合理合法、有理有利有節,又不明顯違反國際準則,更能通過五部曲,讓香港能進行真普選。

要醞釀一個主流方案,需要一定空間、一點時間。鑑此,建議特首留待十月初,在立法會復會後才向人大常委會遞交報告,啟動五部曲。人大常委每兩月開一次會,沒多少耽誤,不影響後續工作。

首先,沒有法律規定,在政府有關政改報告發表後,特首必須同時向人大常委會遞交報告,啟動五部曲。以前的做法僅僅是為莊重其事,成了習慣。當今更重要的是選擇最有理有利有節的時機。

再者,三人組的報告,不會妄下定論,一錘定音。相反,不斷的吹風,都在傳遞一個簡單信息:報告將沒有具體方案。套用孟子的話,非不為也,實不能也。在目前情況下,特首若向人大常委會提交任何具體建議,難免是拍腦袋訂定的,是沒有基礎的,時機不對。同樣,若特首提不出主流方案,僅僅交由人大常委會去定奪,則難免陷中央、人大常委於不義。

第三,近兩個月風雲變幻,整個政治光譜的各方面,也包括內地各有關部門,都需要時間分析、品味和應對。可以說,悲觀沮喪的,被證明過度低估形勢;駭人聽聞的,被證明無理誇大捏造。

現階段各方最需要的,是冷靜沉澱,拋棄偏見,好好為香港前途想一想。大是大非面前,特首沒有必要匆匆提交報告。


「提委會民主漸進方案」(「13学者方案」)

 http://www.2017cenom.blogspot.hk/

聯絡:2017cenom@gmail.com

方案簡介:

我們認爲,從目前形勢看,有關政制發展路向意見嚴重分歧,甚至各走極端,很難化解,對政改,對日後管治都不利。爲了避免原地踏步,我們秉承民主開放的原則,揚棄建制泛民的分野,提出了一個平衡的方案,旨在提高提名委員會的均衡性、認受性和代表性。

方案的核心內容是:既保留原選舉委員會1200成員的結構,避免不必要的紛爭,又增加最多1200委員,讓任何註冊選民都可以直接投票選出提名委員會委員;而任何合資格選民,在獲得一定推薦和選民票數後,即可成爲提委會委員。